Home : A Little Redneck - A Lot Southern :New SouthA consequence of the Civil War was an intensification of the sectionalism already felt in the region. The South is the only part of the United States to have suffered occupation by a conquering army, and it has taken more than a century and a great deal of economic growth to temper the bitterness that followed. The Civil War and reconstruction were also instrumental in unifying Southern whites. The "Solid South" was a term that indicated that the entire region voted as a bloc and often in direct contradiction to otherwise national trends. The war and reconstruction were associated with the North and the Republican party, so southern whites became stubborn opposition Democrats. When southern whites could no longer tolerate the ideological connection with the Democratic party, the explicit sectional label "southern Democrats" became common. Today, national political changes and southern cultural changes have made the South no longer solidly Democratic. The full range of the political spectrum is represented among southern elected officials, although the majority tend to continue some of the traditional orientations.
The spatial and regional characteristics of the New South have been built on patterns that evolved over decades and, in some ways, over centuries. The key to recent changes lies in the gradual loss of regional isolation. Prior to the mid-20th century, most of the South's population, and certainly its leadership, appeared to react to events as though the South was a separate country, reluctantly required to continue dealing with a northern neighbor. Since the later 1930s, however, and especially since the later 1940s, trends and pressures external to the South began to infiltrate the region and break down its isolation. The economy of the South in the 1930s was little different from that of 1870: dominantly agrarian, producing raw agricultural products primarily for export, capital deficient, supported by heavy use of animal power and hand labor, and operated through sharecropping and tenant-farming arrangements and a regionally distinctive crop-lien system. What industry existed was largely low-wage or oriented toward narrow local markets. The region's urban structure continued to reflect this orientation, with small market centers, railroad towns, textile mill towns, and county seats representing the pervasive urban form in the South. Over the next half century, tremendous changes occurred. By the early 1950s, over half of the region's labor force was engaged in urban-based, nonagricultural employment; the proportion in agriculture has continued to decline. This paralleled a sharp increase in manufacturing employment and employment in service activities. Further, the industrial mix in the South has shown a strong trend toward diversification; no longer is southern manufacturing limited to the early stages of raw materials processing. Within agriculture, diversification also occurred. Cotton remains the most important cash crop to the region; other crops include tobacco, sugarcane, peanuts, and rice. But the area producing cotton is only a shadow of its former size. This shrinkage was supported by the decay of old cotton-ginning institutions in sections of the former production area. While cotton dominance declined, livestock industries and other crops, such as soybeans, increased sharply. Beef production improved greatly as farmers improved pastures with better grasses and fodder crops and with higher fertilizer applications. At the same time, new cattle strains were developed to survive and thrive in the hot, humid southern summer. Within the last 30 years, national broiler and chicken production has become industrialized and concentrated in the South. Even more dramatic has been the transformation in the means of farm production. Wherever possible, machinery has been applied to the production process, and regional agriculture is now much more efficient than before. The traditional sharecrop system has almost disappeared since the mid-1930s, and there has been a sharp increase in the average farm size in the South. Rural-to-urban migration within the South increased rapidly as the region's economy participated in the post-Depression expansion of the late 1930s. In 1940, there were only 35 cities with populations greater than 50,000 in the South. By 1950, the number had increased to 42, and by 1980 it had reached 75. Many other small southern places have developed a certain vitality from the larger growth centers. The pull to the cities was stimulated by industrial growth and a diversification that promised to match that of southern agriculture and to produce a varied industrial mix. The proportion of the nonagricultural labor force in manufacturing jobs increased greatly, and in virtually every part of the region. The traditional industries--such as steel, tobacco products, and textiles--remained regionally important for a period but less dominant as other kinds of manufacturing activity appeared. Synthetic textiles and apparel industries, the former in the Carolinas and the latter primarily in northern Georgia, widened activities even within this broad industrial category. Chemical industries expanded rapidly along the Gulf Coast. Furniture production in the central Carolina Piedmont increased, and other wood-processing plants became more prominent throughout the eastern and Gulf coastal plains. Shipbuilding was continued at Norfolk, Virginia, and begun at several sites on the Gulf Coast; aircraft production at Marietta, Georgia, drew skilled labor and higher wages to the Atlanta area. Most significantly, as the average southern consumer earned higher wages, the regional market increased enough to draw many consumer goods manufacturers into the South. This increased the demand for nonagricultural labor, spreading the income further and strengthening the local market. The South's rapid industrial growth is a consequence of a growing regional market, gradually demanding and able to pay for more goods and services. But the question remains: Why did the market expand? One observer has proposed that the federal government's Agricultural Adjustment Acts (1935 and later) provided the main stimulus to the market growth. Before the acts took effect, the prices that farm products could demand were set to a great extent by supply and demand in the international marketplace. To the South, this meant that prices for southern cotton, for example, fluctuated partly according to the production success or failure in other cotton-growing areas of the world. More important, farm labor in the cotton South was in competition with cotton producers in what was still largely a colonialized world economy. When agricultural wages and prices were adjusted upward under the Agricultural Adjustment Acts to reflect national industrial wage differentials, the sharply improved market in the South for manufactured goods initiated the upward development spiral still affecting the region. In an act of federal intervention much more widely recognized as significant to the South's social structure, the U.S. Supreme Court in 1954 struck down the segregationist "separate but equal" doctrine permitted almost 70 years before. Changes in the South's social geography were initiated by this decision, changes that reverberated in every other part of the country where race affected opportunity, and the repercussions are far from settled today. A thread common to many of the South's changes since the mid-1930s is the gradual decline of its regional distinctiveness. Economic diversity is replacing simple dependency on agriculture. There are indications that the region's supply of low-wage labor is almost exhausted; new industry and service activities will have to compete more actively and may continue to force wages upward slowly. A significant infusion of northern migrants, especially to regional metropolitan growth centers, has made some of these cities less distinctively southern in culture and more clearly just urban.
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